GHANA'S POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE MEDIA: PROMISES, PRIORITIES, AND THE PATH AHEAD

 By Osei Nathanael 

In the vibrant composition of Ghanaian democracy, the media stands as both a watchdog and a mirror, reflecting societal truths while holding power accountable. As the dust settles from the 2024 general elections, the manifestos of major political parties offer a window into how they envision supporting or reshaping this crucial sector. From bolstering press freedoms to harnessing digital innovation, these documents reveal ideological divides that could influence journalism, broadcasting, and information access in the coming years. But what do these promises really mean for Ghana's media landscape?

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) positioned media as a cornerstone of economic and democratic progress in its manifesto. Central to their vision was the Broadcasting Bill, which they pledged to pass and implement to protect media pluralism and freedoms. This included resourcing initiatives like the Media Capacity Enhancement Programme for journalist training and the Coordinated Mechanism for the Safety of Journalists to address threats in the field. The party also commited to modernizing public institutions such as the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) and the Ghana News Agency (GNA), alongside digitizing archival content in partnership with creative industries. Digitally, the NPP aimed to train one million youth in skills like AI and robotics, expand internet access to over 90%, and allocate spectrum for 5G moves that could empower digital media creators and counter disinformation. Critics might see this as building on past achievements, like the Right to Information (RTI) Act, but skeptics question whether these plans would have translated into tangible protections amid ongoing concerns over media harassment.

In contrast, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) framed its media agenda as a corrective to what it described as a decline in press freedoms under the previous NPP administration. Highlighting incidents like the unresolved murder of journalist Ahmed Hussein-Suale and the shutdown of critical radio stations, the NDC vowed to repeal laws stifling free expression and fully enforce the RTI Act. Their manifesto promised to reopen investigations into attacks on journalists, revive the Media Development Fund, and collaborate with the Ghana Journalists Association (GJA) and National Media Commission for professional standards. Community radio gets a boost through public-private partnerships, while scholarships for media training aim to build capacity. On the digital front, the NDC's "Digital Ghana Master Plan" included expanding broadband, launching a National Information Highway with 5G, and training one million coders initiatives that could foster citizen journalism and media entrepreneurship, especially for women via a proposed Women's Development Bank. Enforcing local content rules in broadcasting and creating a pay-per-view channel for creative arts further underscore their focus on cultural and economic viability. For many in the industry, this reformist stance resonates as a call to restore media independence.

The Ghana Union Movement (GUM), led by Rev. Christian Kwabena Andrews (known as Osofo Kyiri Abosom), took a more populist approach, but its manifesto is notably silent on media-specific policies. Instead, GUM emphasizes social welfare promises like free medical care, electricity, and youth seed capital under a 24-hour economy. This omission might reflect a strategic choice to prioritize bread-and-butter issues over media, but it leaves journalists wondering how the party would handle information dissemination or counter "empty" critiques it levels at rivals like the NPP and NDC.

Meanwhile, the Convention People's Party (CPP), drawing from its socialist roots, viewed media not primarily as a safeguard of free expression but as a "strategic development tool." Their manifesto explicitly stated that mass media should prioritize national progress over free speech, proposing to rationalize broadcast licenses to eliminate "low-standard" private channels and establish a Unified Radio & Television Broadcasting Network. Commitments included strengthening the National Media Commission, enforcing watershed hours for content, and reserving spectrum for public service broadcasting. State-owned entities like GBC and GNA would be recapitalized and professionalized, with a focus on high-standard programming through independent producers. Digitally, the CPP planned to nationalize telecom firms and regulate internet content and tariffs. While this state-centric model could enhance civic education and infrastructure convergence, it raises eyebrows among free speech advocates who fear increased government control.

These manifestos highlight a spectrum of approaches: the NPP and NDC lean toward liberal reforms emphasizing freedoms and digital inclusion, while the CPP advocates a more regulated, development-focused framework. Common threads include support for public broadcasters and spectrum management, but divergences in ideology—market-driven versus state-led—could shape policy outcomes. GUM's lack of detail, however, might signal a gap in addressing media's role in accountability.

As Ghana navigates post-election realities, the true test lies in implementation. Will these promises safeguard journalists, bridge the digital divide, and amplify diverse voices? Or will they remain manifesto rhetoric? For a nation where media fuels public discourse, the answers could redefine democr

acy itself.